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Deadly ripple of communal violence in Orissa
Siba Mohanty and S N Agragami
07 Sep 2008 01:36:00 AM IST
When masked assailants shot and killed 84-year-old Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati and four others inside his ashram at Jalespatta what followed was inevitable. The August 23 murders turned a smouldering bushfire into a raging inferno that spread out of control beyond Orissa’s viciously polarised Kandhamal district.
The wild rampage of the aftermath has claimed at least 15 lives. Scores of churches, prayer houses, places of worship and homes have been burnt down or ravaged, leaving thousands to seek refuge in forests or relief camps. Almost a fortnight has passed, but the fires of the worst ever communal flare-up in the state’s history refuse to die down.
Coming only eight months after the riots of December, the violence in Kandhamal shows how successful the saffron organisations have been in polarising sentiment among the local populace. The tensions are palpable, and the fabric of inter-communal co-existence is under severe strain. The riots have even drawn international attention, with the Italian Parliament convening a special discussion and summoning the Indian ambassador for clarifications.
The division between Christians and non-Christians is hardly new, but the level of intolerance has grown alarmingly in recent decades after the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad made inroads in their self-proclaimed mission to thwart alleged indiscriminate conversion by Christian missionaries But beneath the façade of religion and at the root of the conflict lies a struggle for power, control over land and resources along with cornering the benefits of reservations and government doles.
Genesis of the conflict
The problem is rooted in the socio-demographic history of the district. The starting point can be traced to the 1940s, when the erstwhile Boudh-Khondmal district came into being. On one side are the Kandha tribals, and on the other, the Christian dalit Panas. Divisions between the simple and affable Kandha (Scheduled Tribe) and the smart and shrewd Panas (Scheduled Caste), who now enjoy a position of economic superiority, have grown sharply over the decades.
Of Kandhamal district’s population of 6,48,201, the Scheduled Tribe (Kandha) number stands at 3,36,809 (52 per cent). The Scheduled Caste population is 1,09,506 (17 per cent). There are about 1.18 lakh Christians (18 per cent of the district’s total and 13 per cent of the Christian population of Orissa). Most importantly, 70 per cent or more of the Pana community are Christian converts.
Years ago, the Orissa District Gazetteer described the scenario as: “In Khondmals (Kandhamal), the Pana were the serfs of the Khonds (Kandhas). They worked on their farms and wove cloth for them in return for which they got a small area of land, grain for food and marriage expenses. The Panas also acted as intermediaries and thus began to exploit the tribals economically.”
Gradually, they took possession of large chunks of land belonging to the tribals. But the Constitutional provision that anyone belonging to the SC would lose his/her entitlement, including reservation benefits, if they converted to Christianity opened a can of worms because the same does not apply to the ST community. Further, tribal land cannot be transferred to a non-tribal. In both cases, the Panas were the losers. They could not claim ownership to the land nor enjoy the benefits of reservations. So the Panas started a movement demanding ST status.
The fight over Kui
Kui, the main dialect of the STs and also of the Pana community, is the bone of contention. When the President’s Amendment Order 2002 included Kui in Entry No 31 of the ST category, the Panas demanded their caste be listed as “Kui” not Pana, as they shared traditions with the Kandhas. But the government, for the simple reason that it had no historical or anthropological standing, refused. It led to a further polarisation of the two communities. Both Hindu activists and Christian missionaries began to push the issue to their advantage, paving the way for a riot that took place a day before Christmas last year.
conversion and the church
Christian missionary activity started as early as 1861 when two missionaries were sent from England and made base at Russelkonda, now Bhanjanagar in neighbouring Ganjam district. The foundation for the first church in Kandhamal district was laid in 1920. By 1940, missionary activity had spread to Baliguda sub-division, and by 1976 the hilly, inaccessible district had nearly 300 churches. Christianity and conversion spread rapidly in the 1980s and 1990s.
Deposing before a fact-finding team that visited Kandhamal after the December 2007 riots — its report is titled Justice On Trial — Archbishop Raphael Cheenath had stated that he had been working over 40 years in the area. He told the team that no one could prevent the spread of Christianity. The missionaries have opened schools, hostels and health institutions. In the mission-run educational institutions 77,000 children study and 2,800 reside in the hostels.
Entry of hindu organisations
The zealous evangelism of the missionaries and growing resentment among the tribals gave the saffron organisations, primarily the VHP, a foothold. The enactment of the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act in 1967 as well as the previous Orissa Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act 1960 provided the fillip to their anti-conversion activities.
The swami arrives
It was in the mid-1960s that Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati came down from the Himalayas to his home state to take part in the cow protection movement. He stayed to join the anti-conversion movement in Kandhamal. He established a gurukul and a college in Chakapada, a remote part of Kandhmal district. Jalespatta is another ashram of the Swami where a women’s hostel has been built. He also conducted massive re-conversion ceremonies for converted tribals. Lakshmananda became a target and there were at least five bids on his life, the last one successful.
One of the main reasons why both missionaries and Hindu nationalists found Kandhamal to be fertile ground was that successive governments completely abdicated all welfare responsibility for the area. Voluntary organisations were free to do as they pleased as the authorities made no effort to keep tabs on their activities.
The undivided Phulbani district has no railway service. The Khurda-Balangir line passing through the district is yet to take off, though it was proposed 10 years ago. About 80 per cent of the population depends on agriculture, which is heavily reliant on rainfall.
The development indices are abysmal. The Human Development Index for Orissa shows Kandhamal in the 29th place for gender development, in the 30th place for reproductive health and 23rd in education. Orissa has 30 districts. Per capita income for the district is Rs 4,743 a year, doctor availability is 23 and the number of hospital beds, 63 for a population of one lakh. While the tribal literacy rate is 27 per cent, SCs enjoy a higher status at 34.5 per cent.
Vote-bank politics
While the district is predominantly tribal, it is represented by SC representatives both in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. Besides, SC representatives from this region in the state assembly have been indulging in appeasement politics. This cost Phulbani MLA and then steel and mines minister Padmanabh Behera, a non-Christian Pana, his ministerial berth for allegedly doling out fake SC certificates to converts.
In fact, patronage to the dalits in Kandhamal is not restricted to Behera. The seeds of discontent were sown as early as 1981 when the then Congress government recommended that the Union government list Kui-speaking Dalit Panas as tribals. The Rajya Sabha MP from Congress Dr RK Nayak has always found himself embroiled in controversies over the SC-ST conflict.
The Maoist hand
The killing of Swami Lakshmanananda was at first blamed on the Maoists — the seer had during the December unrest accused them of fomenting communal tension — but there is no record of their involvement in religious issues yet. They have not claimed responsibility, which they usually do after such operations. However, a section feels this could be the handiwork of Christian cadres in the ranks of the CPI (Maoist)’s local dalams, which is recruiting from the region. It will be long before this whodunit is solved. The judicial commission probing the December riots is yet to come up with its finding. And the one for the killing of Lakshmanananda has just been formed. But even the truth may not wash away the bitterness on the two sides.
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/...hristian&SectionName=n5rce3HBdMPVeH7FlL5aBQ==
Siba Mohanty and S N Agragami
07 Sep 2008 01:36:00 AM IST
When masked assailants shot and killed 84-year-old Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati and four others inside his ashram at Jalespatta what followed was inevitable. The August 23 murders turned a smouldering bushfire into a raging inferno that spread out of control beyond Orissa’s viciously polarised Kandhamal district.
The wild rampage of the aftermath has claimed at least 15 lives. Scores of churches, prayer houses, places of worship and homes have been burnt down or ravaged, leaving thousands to seek refuge in forests or relief camps. Almost a fortnight has passed, but the fires of the worst ever communal flare-up in the state’s history refuse to die down.
Coming only eight months after the riots of December, the violence in Kandhamal shows how successful the saffron organisations have been in polarising sentiment among the local populace. The tensions are palpable, and the fabric of inter-communal co-existence is under severe strain. The riots have even drawn international attention, with the Italian Parliament convening a special discussion and summoning the Indian ambassador for clarifications.
The division between Christians and non-Christians is hardly new, but the level of intolerance has grown alarmingly in recent decades after the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad made inroads in their self-proclaimed mission to thwart alleged indiscriminate conversion by Christian missionaries But beneath the façade of religion and at the root of the conflict lies a struggle for power, control over land and resources along with cornering the benefits of reservations and government doles.
Genesis of the conflict
The problem is rooted in the socio-demographic history of the district. The starting point can be traced to the 1940s, when the erstwhile Boudh-Khondmal district came into being. On one side are the Kandha tribals, and on the other, the Christian dalit Panas. Divisions between the simple and affable Kandha (Scheduled Tribe) and the smart and shrewd Panas (Scheduled Caste), who now enjoy a position of economic superiority, have grown sharply over the decades.
Of Kandhamal district’s population of 6,48,201, the Scheduled Tribe (Kandha) number stands at 3,36,809 (52 per cent). The Scheduled Caste population is 1,09,506 (17 per cent). There are about 1.18 lakh Christians (18 per cent of the district’s total and 13 per cent of the Christian population of Orissa). Most importantly, 70 per cent or more of the Pana community are Christian converts.
Years ago, the Orissa District Gazetteer described the scenario as: “In Khondmals (Kandhamal), the Pana were the serfs of the Khonds (Kandhas). They worked on their farms and wove cloth for them in return for which they got a small area of land, grain for food and marriage expenses. The Panas also acted as intermediaries and thus began to exploit the tribals economically.”
Gradually, they took possession of large chunks of land belonging to the tribals. But the Constitutional provision that anyone belonging to the SC would lose his/her entitlement, including reservation benefits, if they converted to Christianity opened a can of worms because the same does not apply to the ST community. Further, tribal land cannot be transferred to a non-tribal. In both cases, the Panas were the losers. They could not claim ownership to the land nor enjoy the benefits of reservations. So the Panas started a movement demanding ST status.
The fight over Kui
Kui, the main dialect of the STs and also of the Pana community, is the bone of contention. When the President’s Amendment Order 2002 included Kui in Entry No 31 of the ST category, the Panas demanded their caste be listed as “Kui” not Pana, as they shared traditions with the Kandhas. But the government, for the simple reason that it had no historical or anthropological standing, refused. It led to a further polarisation of the two communities. Both Hindu activists and Christian missionaries began to push the issue to their advantage, paving the way for a riot that took place a day before Christmas last year.
conversion and the church
Christian missionary activity started as early as 1861 when two missionaries were sent from England and made base at Russelkonda, now Bhanjanagar in neighbouring Ganjam district. The foundation for the first church in Kandhamal district was laid in 1920. By 1940, missionary activity had spread to Baliguda sub-division, and by 1976 the hilly, inaccessible district had nearly 300 churches. Christianity and conversion spread rapidly in the 1980s and 1990s.
Deposing before a fact-finding team that visited Kandhamal after the December 2007 riots — its report is titled Justice On Trial — Archbishop Raphael Cheenath had stated that he had been working over 40 years in the area. He told the team that no one could prevent the spread of Christianity. The missionaries have opened schools, hostels and health institutions. In the mission-run educational institutions 77,000 children study and 2,800 reside in the hostels.
Entry of hindu organisations
The zealous evangelism of the missionaries and growing resentment among the tribals gave the saffron organisations, primarily the VHP, a foothold. The enactment of the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act in 1967 as well as the previous Orissa Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act 1960 provided the fillip to their anti-conversion activities.
The swami arrives
It was in the mid-1960s that Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati came down from the Himalayas to his home state to take part in the cow protection movement. He stayed to join the anti-conversion movement in Kandhamal. He established a gurukul and a college in Chakapada, a remote part of Kandhmal district. Jalespatta is another ashram of the Swami where a women’s hostel has been built. He also conducted massive re-conversion ceremonies for converted tribals. Lakshmananda became a target and there were at least five bids on his life, the last one successful.
One of the main reasons why both missionaries and Hindu nationalists found Kandhamal to be fertile ground was that successive governments completely abdicated all welfare responsibility for the area. Voluntary organisations were free to do as they pleased as the authorities made no effort to keep tabs on their activities.
The undivided Phulbani district has no railway service. The Khurda-Balangir line passing through the district is yet to take off, though it was proposed 10 years ago. About 80 per cent of the population depends on agriculture, which is heavily reliant on rainfall.
The development indices are abysmal. The Human Development Index for Orissa shows Kandhamal in the 29th place for gender development, in the 30th place for reproductive health and 23rd in education. Orissa has 30 districts. Per capita income for the district is Rs 4,743 a year, doctor availability is 23 and the number of hospital beds, 63 for a population of one lakh. While the tribal literacy rate is 27 per cent, SCs enjoy a higher status at 34.5 per cent.
Vote-bank politics
While the district is predominantly tribal, it is represented by SC representatives both in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. Besides, SC representatives from this region in the state assembly have been indulging in appeasement politics. This cost Phulbani MLA and then steel and mines minister Padmanabh Behera, a non-Christian Pana, his ministerial berth for allegedly doling out fake SC certificates to converts.
In fact, patronage to the dalits in Kandhamal is not restricted to Behera. The seeds of discontent were sown as early as 1981 when the then Congress government recommended that the Union government list Kui-speaking Dalit Panas as tribals. The Rajya Sabha MP from Congress Dr RK Nayak has always found himself embroiled in controversies over the SC-ST conflict.
The Maoist hand
The killing of Swami Lakshmanananda was at first blamed on the Maoists — the seer had during the December unrest accused them of fomenting communal tension — but there is no record of their involvement in religious issues yet. They have not claimed responsibility, which they usually do after such operations. However, a section feels this could be the handiwork of Christian cadres in the ranks of the CPI (Maoist)’s local dalams, which is recruiting from the region. It will be long before this whodunit is solved. The judicial commission probing the December riots is yet to come up with its finding. And the one for the killing of Lakshmanananda has just been formed. But even the truth may not wash away the bitterness on the two sides.
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/...hristian&SectionName=n5rce3HBdMPVeH7FlL5aBQ==
Also I saw Kunjuppu sir had posted elsewhere. Delighted to see you both back.
